Could a ‘cooperative leadership’ break the political impasse?
Leadership is everywhere in the national media just now. It is always a key feature of news stories, but pre-election the escalation of usage of the term is tantamount. British politics, with its first past the post system usually leading to majority governments, and the layout of the House of Commons, often leads to adversarial clashes and leadership dynamics reflect this.
Clearly there are differences in leadership philosophy determined by political orientation. Those pursuing equality and ‘power to the people’ might be more attracted to distributed, heterarchical leadership models. Meanwhile the meritocratic politics of the right might naturally lead to more hierarchal leadership tendencies. However, the reality of that can be far more complex in politics.
We watched Theresa May try in vain to implement the result of the referendum, a result she voted against in the referendum however worked to achieve. Her attempted action demonstrated a perhaps too often forgotten aspect of public and political leadership: legitimacy and support. Professor Mark Moore (Harvard) in outlining his Public Value construct noted that leaders do not work in a vacuum with complete free reign. Leaders need to have the operational capacity but also the democratic legitimacy (i.e. the constituent group supporting it) and the support of the authorizing environment (i.e. boards of directors for organisations; local elected members for public service officials; and the electorate for politicians). These two component parts are needed alongside any compelling purpose/mission/goals/objectives. Collectively they define Moore’s public value construct.
Prime Minister May also perhaps demonstrated servant leadership (Greenleaf, 1970, 2003, 1977, 2002, 1998, 1996, 1996) ) given that she put the result of the referendum before her personal or political position, even as a staunch ‘Remain’ campaigner. However, whether she would stand up to Greenleaf’s original essay (1970) is questionable; “effective servant leaders who move in these ways emerge strong and speak with authority and when the values and goals of those who go with them are truly served by their actions.” ‘Strong and Stable’ was a key part of her communications message however May could not win the support of her party, far less the parliament, in securing the various Brexit deals proposed under her leadership.
Her exit brought about another leadership style under Boris Johnston. Many will write about his leadership for years to come. In a nut shell can it be best aligned to traditional transformational leadership forms? Leadership theory started with Scots historian Thomas Carlyle and his 1841 published ‘Great Man’ lecture series. The model pertains to the belief that great leaders are born and exhibit specific traits. Since then many leadership models have come and gone, but none of them have either sustained or proved satisfactorily successful, hence the constant change. Nevertheless many future models are simply variants of Carlyle’s 19th century thoughts.
In business there is an emergent field in disruptive innovation. Certainly, current leadership may feel ‘disruptive.’ However, can it continue? Especially as politicians seek to build consensus around diverse views, and it appears with slim majorities, across political divides. Is there a need for a new leadership model to emerge?
Boris Johnston’s leadership hero, Winston Churchill, is analysed through Johnston’s biography on the wartime Prime Minister The Churchill Factor: How One Man Made History.” Here Johnston proclaims “he [Churchill] had led my country to victory against all odds.” Up to calling an election, Johnston Boris maybe thought he was against the odds and is seeking ‘victory’ as he presented his political challenge in battle like terms. The debate shifted from a purely political one to being pitted as people against parliament. However, he is still battling for his victory- ‘get Brexit done.’
Parliaments across Europe are shifting both in democratic process and in the lay out of their parliament from the adversarial style which the Johnston-Corbyn TV debate epitomises. First past the post remains in the UK however we see other models operating across the world: Single Transferable Vote (Ireland, Scottish Local Elections, Northern Ireland Assembly, Malta); Additional Members System (Scottish Parliament, Welsh Assembly, Germany, New Zealand), Two Round System (France), Alternative Vote (Australia, Irish President).[1] Those are all aimed at increasing proportionality, voter choice and local representation.
The opposing benches of Westminster are not replicated in every other country. The Bundestag was in fact designed by a British architect and like many other European parliaments is in semi-circle format similar to the European and Scottish parliaments. The design perhaps harks back to Greek or Roman amphitheatres. Members seem more connected and ‘around’ the issues’ than when sat opposite each other in adversarial benches, ones which even have red lines still in place to mark two swords width, thus keeping opponents apart.
Design is one thing physically, but how can we design a new paradigm in leadership. If existing models are not working, is there a potential new model? There is certainly an appetite to move towards a new leadership paradigm with attempts to ‘democratises leadership.’ However, a compelling case for that has not been found thus far.
In education, ‘distributed leadership’ entered policy rhetoric and thus leadership lexicon. However, it has been critiqued as being theoretically weak, economically driven and retaining shared leadership ‘issued’ from the top of a hierarchy (Torrance 2015, 2013a 2013b, 2013c 2013d,2009). Hybrid leadership has been proposed as an alternative (Gronn, 2009). And we see eco, green and transcendent models as emergent potential sustainable leadership models.
Whilst education it seems has not found an new leadership model, it is in fact in education that perhaps a new leadership paradigm might be sought. North American educationalists (Johnston & Johnston, Kagan, Slavin) work analysing group dynamics led to a pedagogical tool which has changed and improved learning in many schools across the world. Cooperative learning is a structured programme of learning built around five principles: group formation; positive interdependence; group and individual accountability; social skills (/behaviours); and face to face interactions. Much could be learned from it and applied to political leadership going forward. Judging political leaders against these principals might bring interesting reflections. Moreover, acting upon the principals might progress the political impasse.
Group formation is going to be vital after the election. The country has felt broken for some time, how can people be brought back together. Whilst independence has been the Brexit rallying call and will be the call post election north of the border, how interdependences can be sought and capitalised on will be vital for political leaders. On an individual level, the face to face interactions of political leaders will be interesting as a series of challenges are navigated. Accountability continues to be an issue both for individuals and group accountability for the promises made. The coming months and years will affirm or otherwise if manifestos turn into actions.
Cooperative leadership may sound utopian, however a leadership model was has a set of principles underpinning it as opposed to headline titles; a model which has a blend of leadership and management; and a model which might broker a progressive future- surely all of this can only be worth looking at.
[1] https://www.electoral-reform.org.uk/voting-systems/types-of-voting-system/



